Vinland

Vinland

Vinland, Vineland, or Winland (Old Norse: Vínland) was a region along the North American coast explored by the Norse. Leif Erikson landed there around 1000 CE, nearly five centuries before the voyages of Christopher Columbus and John Cabot. The name appears in the Vinland sagas and describes areas including Newfoundland, the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and northeastern New Brunswick. Much of the geographic content in the sagas aligns with modern knowledge of transatlantic voyages and North America.

In 1960, archaeological evidence of the only known Norse settlement in North America was found at L'Anse aux Meadows on the northern tip of Newfoundland. Before this discovery, Vinland was only known through the sagas and medieval historiography. The 1960 findings provided further proof of pre-Columbian exploration of mainland North America by the Norse. L'Anse aux Meadows is believed to correspond to the settlement Straumfjörð, mentioned in the Saga of Erik the Red.


Name

Vinland was the name given by the Icelandic Norse explorer Leif Erikson to a part of North America around 1000 CE. The name also appears as Winland, as recorded by Adam of Bremen in his Descriptio insularum Aquilonis ("Description of the Northern Islands," Chapter 39, in the fourth part of the Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum), written around 1075. Adam's primary source for Winland seems to have been King Svend Estridson, who was familiar with the "northern islands."

The etymology of the Old Norse root vin- is debated. While it is commonly interpreted to mean "wine," some scholars propose a connection to the homophone vin, meaning "pasture" or "meadow." Adam of Bremen suggests that the name includes the Old Norse vín (related to the Latin vinum, meaning "wine"), rendered as Old Saxon or Old High German wīn:

"Beyond this, he also reported about an island discovered by many in that ocean called Winland because wild vines grow there, producing the best wine."

This interpretation aligns with the Grœnlendinga saga from the 13th century, which describes the discovery of Vinland and its naming after vínber ("wineberry"), a term referring to grapes or currants (black or red) found there.

In Scandinavia, there was also a long tradition of fermenting berries into wine. The discovery of butternuts at the site suggests that the Norse explored Vinland farther south, at least as far as the St. Lawrence River and parts of New Brunswick, the northern limit for butternuts and wild grapes (Vitis riparia).


Alternative Etymology

A different suggestion for the name’s etymology comes from Sven Söderberg in 1898 (first published in 1910), who interpreted the Old Norse name not as vín-land (with the long vowel /iː/) but as vin-land (with the short vowel /ɪ/). In Old Norse, vin (from Proto-Norse winju) means "meadow" or "pasture." This interpretation of Vinland as "pasture land" rather than "wine land" was accepted by Valter Jansson in his 1951 dissertation on Scandinavian place names containing Vin, making it influential in 20th-century scholarship.

Einar Haugen (1977) rejected this interpretation, arguing that the element vin had long since shifted from meaning "pasture" to "farmstead" by the Old Norse period. He also pointed out that vin names were assigned in pre-Old Norse times and are absent from places settled during the Viking Age. Haugen's reasoning has since been challenged.


Runestone Evidence

A runestone may contain a record of the Old Norse name that predates Adam of Bremen's mention of Winland. The Hønen Runestone was discovered around 1817 in Norderhov, Norway, but was later lost. Its interpretation relies on a sketch by antiquarian L. D. Klüwer (1823), which was itself lost but copied by Wilhelm Frimann Koren Christie (1838). The inscription, in Younger Futhark, has been dated to 1010–1050. The stone commemorated a Norwegian, possibly a descendant of Sigurd Syr. Sophus Bugge (1902) interpreted part of the inscription as follows:

ᚢᛁᚿ᛫(ᛚ)ᛆ(ᛐ)ᛁᚭ᛫ᛁᛌᛆ
uin (l)a(t)ią isa
"Vínlandi á ísa"
("from Vinland over the ice").

This reading is highly uncertain. The same sequence was read differently by Magnus Olsen (1951):

ᚢᛁᚿ᛫ᚴᛆ(ᛚᛐ)ᚭ᛫ᛁᛌᛆ
uin ka(lt)ą isa
"vindkalda á ísa"
("over the wind-cold ice").

Both interpretations remain speculative.

The Vinland Sagas

The primary sources of information about Norse voyages to Vinland are two Icelandic sagas: The Saga of Erik the Red and The Greenlanders' Saga, collectively known as the Vinland Sagas. These stories were passed down orally before being written approximately 250 years after the events they describe. The existence of two versions of the story illustrates the challenges of using traditional sources for historical reconstruction, as they share many narrative elements but use them differently. An example is the mention of two different men named Bjarni who are blown off course. A brief summary of the two sagas' narratives, provided at the end of this section, highlights further examples.

The sagas report that a significant number of Norsemen traveled in groups to Vinland. According to The Saga of Erik the Red, Thorfinn Karlsefni’s crew consisted of 140 or 160 people, while The Greenlanders' Saga states it was 60. The latter also reports that Leif Erikson led a group of 35, Thorvald Erikson commanded 30 men, and Helgi and Finnbogi had 30 crew members.

In The Saga of Erik the Red, Þorfinnr "Karlsefni" Þórðarson and a group of 160 men crossed an open sea stretch from Greenland heading south. They found Helluland, crossed another stretch to Markland, and then another to Kjalarnes, the Wonderstrands, Straumfjörð, and finally a place called Hóp, a fertile area where no snow fell in winter. After several years in Greenland, they decided to return home, realizing they would otherwise face endless conflict with the native inhabitants.

The saga mentions the name Vinland in four ways. First, it refers to the land discovered by Leif Erikson. Later, Karlsefni and his men find "vín-ber" (grape berries) near the Wonderstrands. Subsequently, Vinland is located south of Markland, with the headland of Kjalarnes at its northern end. It is also mentioned that some explorers in Straumfjörð wanted to search for Vinland west of Kjalarnes.


The Greenlanders' Saga

In the Grænlendinga saga (The Saga of the Greenlanders), Bjarni Herjólfsson accidentally discovered the new land when he was blown off course while traveling from Norway to his father in Greenland during the second year of Erik the Red’s settlement (circa 986 CE). Upon successfully reaching Herjolfsnes, his father’s farm in Greenland, Bjarni stayed there until his father’s death and only returned to Norway around 1000 CE. In Norway, he reported his discovery to his overlord (another Erik, a jarl), who criticized him for his delay in reporting. Upon returning to Greenland, he shared his story, inspiring Leif Erikson to organize an expedition that retraced Bjarni’s route.

Leif’s journey passed a land of flat stones (Helluland) and a land of forests (Markland). After sailing two more days across open sea, the expedition found a headland with an offshore island and a nearby lake accessible by ship at high tide in a shallow, sandy area. The explorers landed there and set up a base comparable to L'Anse aux Meadows, except that the winter was described as mild rather than icy. One day, a family servant, Tyrker, went missing but was found murmuring to himself. He explained that he had found grape berries. In spring, Leif returned to Greenland with a cargo of wood and a load of grape berries. On the way back, he discovered another ship stranded on the rocks, rescued its crew, and salvaged its cargo.

A second expedition, led by Leif’s brother Thorvald, with around 40 men, set out that autumn. The crew spent three winters at the new base (Leifsbúðir, meaning Leif’s temporary shelters). In the first summer, they explored the western coast of the new land, and in the second, the eastern coast, where they grounded their ship at a headland they named Keel Point (Kjalarnes). Farther south, Thorvald proposed a settlement, but the Norse encountered native inhabitants (Skrælings), whom they killed. This provoked a retaliatory attack by a larger group, resulting in Thorvald’s death from an arrow wound. The explorers returned to the base and decided to sail home the following spring.

Thorstein, another of Leif’s brothers, married Gudrid, the widow of the rescued captain, and led a third expedition to retrieve Thorvald’s body. However, they went off course and spent the entire summer adrift on the Atlantic. They wintered on a Greenland farm, where Thorstein died of illness after prophesying Gudrid’s future as a Christian. Gudrid later married Thorfinn Karlsefni, an Icelander, who agreed to lead a large expedition to Vinland, bringing livestock with them.

Upon arrival, the settlers found a stranded whale, which fed them through the spring. That summer, they were visited by natives who were frightened by the Norse bull but were eager to trade for milk and other goods. Gudrid gave birth to a son, Snorri, but conflict soon arose when a native attempted to steal a weapon and was killed. The settlers were attacked but successfully retreated to a well-chosen defensive position not far from their base. One native picked up an iron axe, tested it, and discarded it.

The settlers returned to Greenland with a load of grape berries and furs. Shortly after, two Icelandic captains arrived in Greenland, and Freydis, Erik the Red’s daughter, persuaded them to join her in an expedition to Vinland. After disputes and deceit during the winter, Freydis orchestrated the killing of all the Icelanders. Upon returning to Greenland, the truth about Freydis’s actions emerged, marking the end of the Vinland expeditions described in the saga.


The Saga of Erik the Red

In the other version of the story, the Eiríks saga rauða (The Saga of Erik the Red), Leif Erikson discovered the new land accidentally while returning to Greenland after a visit to King Olaf Tryggvason in Norway. The king had tasked him with spreading Christianity to the colony. Leif brought back samples of grape berries, wheat, and timber, rescued survivors of a shipwreck, and gained a reputation for good fortune. His religious mission was a swift success.

The next spring, Leif’s brother Thorstein led an expedition but went off course, spending the summer adrift. After returning, Thorstein married Gudrid, who had survived a harrowing journey from Iceland. Thorstein died during the winter but prophesied Gudrid’s future. She later married Thorfinn Karlsefni, who organized a large expedition with multiple ships and livestock.

The expedition passed landscapes of flat stones (Helluland) and forests (Markland), rounded a cape (seeing a ship’s keel at Kjalarnes), and sailed along long beaches (Furðustrandir). They established a settlement at Hóp, a fertile area with mild winters. Encounters with natives eventually led to conflict, but the Norse defended themselves successfully. After losing interest in further settlement, they returned to Greenland. Subsequent attempts to explore or settle Vinland were met with misfortune, and no further expeditions are recorded in the sagas.

 

Medieval Geographers

Adam of Bremen

The earliest widely accepted written mention of Vinland is found in Descriptio insularum Aquilonis by Adam of Bremen, written in 1075. Adam was informed by the Danish King Svend Estridsen about "islands" discovered by Norse seafarers in the Atlantic.

Galvano Fiamma

The nearby Norse outpost of Markland was referenced in the writings of Galvano Fiamma in his book Cronica universalis. He is believed to be the first Southern European to write about the New World.

Sigurd Stefansson

The earliest map of Vinland was drawn around 1570 by Sigurd Stefansson, a schoolmaster in Skalholt, Iceland. He located Vinland somewhere near the Chesapeake Bay, the St. Lawrence River, or Cape Cod Bay.

In the early 14th century, a geographic encyclopedia called Geographica Universalis was compiled in the Abbey of Malmesbury in England. This work was later used as a source for Polychronicon by Ranulf Higden, one of the most widely read medieval English textbooks. Both texts, potentially drawing from Adam of Bremen, were confused about the location of what they called Wintland. The Malmesbury monk placed it in the ocean east of Norway, while Higden located it west of Denmark but did not explain the distance. Copies of Polychronicon often included a world map showing Wintland in the Atlantic Ocean near Iceland, much closer to Scandinavia than in reality. Both texts attributed the name to the wild inhabitants' supposed ability to bind the wind into knotted ropes, which they sold to sailors who could untie a knot when they needed a favorable breeze. Neither text mentioned grapes, and Malmesbury’s account explicitly stated that only grass and trees grew there, reflecting descriptions of the area around the Norse expedition's primary base in the sagas.

Icelandic Texts

Icelandic texts from roughly the same period provided a more accurate depiction of northern lands as experienced by Norse explorers. North of Iceland stretched a vast barren plain (now understood to be the polar ice cap) from Biarmeland (northern Russia) east of the White Sea to Greenland, with Helluland, Markland, and Vinland lying successively farther west and south. The Icelanders did not know how far south Vinland extended and speculated that it might reach as far as Africa.

The Historia Norwegiae (History of Norway), written around 1200, does not directly mention Vinland but attempts to reconcile information from Greenland with mainland European sources. In this text, Greenland's territory extended so far that it was said to "almost touch the African islands, where the ocean's waters flow in."


Later Norse Voyages

Icelandic chronicles document another attempt to visit Vinland from Greenland more than a century after the saga journeys. In 1121, Icelandic Bishop Eric Gnupsson, who had settled in Greenland in 1112, set out "in search of Vinland." Nothing further is recorded about him, and three years later, another bishop, Arnald, was sent to Greenland.

No written records have survived in Greenland except for inscribed stones, so the next reference to a journey also comes from Icelandic chronicles. In 1347, a ship arrived in Iceland after being blown off course on its return from Markland to Greenland, carrying a load of wood. This suggests that Greenlanders used Markland as a source of timber for several centuries.

 

Controversy Over the Location of Vinland

The definition of Vinland remains ambiguous. In a 1969 article by Douglas McManis published in the Annals of the Association of American Geographers, he states:

"The study of early Norse voyages to North America is an area of research marked by controversy and conflicting, often irreconcilable opinions and conclusions. These circumstances arise from the fact that details of the voyages exist only in two Icelandic sagas that contradict each other on fundamental points, are internally vague, and contain non-historical passages."

This leads him to conclude that "there is not one Vinland but many Vinlands." A response by Matti Kaups in 1970, published in the same journal, notes:

"Certainly, there is a symbolic Vinland, as described and located in the Grœnlendinga Saga; an apparent variant of this Vinland is depicted in the Saga of Erik the Red. On the other hand, there are numerous modern, derivative Vinlands, each essentially a presumed spatial unit... (e.g., Rafn's Vinland, Steensby's Vinland, Ingstad's Vinland, and so forth)."

Definitions and Interpretations

Geographically, Vinland is sometimes used broadly to refer to all areas in North America beyond Greenland explored by the Norse. However, the sagas sometimes suggest that Vinland does not include Helluland and Markland, which also appear to lie in North America beyond Greenland. Additionally, some sagas vaguely connect Vinland with an island or region called Hvítramannaland in some sources.

Another interpretation is that the name Vinland does not refer to a specific location but to any place where vínber (grapes or berries) are found, making it more of a general noun (vinland) rather than a proper toponym (Vinland). The Old Norse and Icelandic languages are very flexible in forming compound words.

By the 16th century, Icelanders recognized that the "New World," identified by European geographers as "America," was the land described in their Vinland sagas. The Skálholt Map, drawn in 1570 or 1590 (surviving only in later copies), labels Promontorium Winlandiae ("Cape of Vinland") as a narrow promontory whose northern tip is on the same latitude as southern Ireland (though the latitude markings on the map are inaccurate). This identification of northern Newfoundland with the northern tip of Vinland was later embraced by Scandinavian scholars like Bishop Hans Resen.

The Location Debate

While there is general agreement based on the sagas that Helluland corresponds to Baffin Island and Markland to at least southern Labrador, the actual locations of Norse landings and settlements have been widely debated. A comparison of the sagas reveals that they describe and name different places in similar ways. One of the few consistent details is that exploratory voyages sailed along both the east and west coasts of the land from a main base—one of the clues that helped archaeologists locate L'Anse aux Meadows at the tip of Newfoundland's long northern peninsula.


Competing Theories

Erik Wahlgren's Argument

In his book The Vikings and America, Erik Wahlgren argues that L'Anse aux Meadows cannot be the Vinland described in the sagas, as the site lacks the salmon-filled rivers and freely growing vínber ("grapes") mentioned in the narratives. Wahlgren suggests that the overlap of wild grape and wild salmon habitats, along with nautical hints from the sagas, points to a location in Maine or New Brunswick. He speculates that Leif Erikson camped in the Passamaquoddy Bay and that Thorvald Erikson was killed in the Bay of Fundy.

Hints of a Southern Settlement

Other evidence suggests the main settlement was farther south, such as mentions of a winter without snow and the reports of grape discoveries in both sagas. A concrete clue from the Saga of the Greenlanders refers to the latitude of the base camp, which has been subject to misinterpretation. The saga notes that the sun in midwinter remained above the horizon at "dagmal" and "eykt," two specific times of the Norse day. Carl Christian Rafn, in his detailed 1837 study Antiquitates Americanae, interpreted these times as 7:30 a.m. and 4:30 p.m., placing the base far south of Newfoundland. Based on this interpretation, Rafn and other Danish scholars located Kjalarnes at Cape Cod, Straumfjörð at Buzzards Bay, Massachusetts, and Straumsey at Martha’s Vineyard.

However, an Icelandic legal text provides a precise explanation of "eykt" in terms of Norse navigation techniques. The eight primary compass divisions were divided into three-hour segments, creating 24 total hours, with "eykt" marking the end of the second hour of the southwest segment—approximately 3:30 p.m. Modern research shows that at the shortest days of the year, the sun does remain just above the horizon at these times in northern Newfoundland but not much farther north.

Jonas Kristjánsson's Hypothesis

In a 2012 article in Acta Archaeologica, Jónas Kristjánsson argues that the Kjalarnes mentioned in the Saga of Erik the Red corresponds to L'Anse aux Meadows. He suggests that Straumfjörð refers to Sop's Arm, Newfoundland, as no other fjord in Newfoundland has an island at its mouth.

 

L'Anse aux Meadows

The Newfoundland insurance agent and historian William A. Munn (1864–1939) proposed in his 1914 book, Location of Helluland, Markland & Vinland from the Icelandic Sagas, that the Vinland explorers "landed at Lancey Meadows, as it is now called." In 1960, the remains of a small Norse settlement were discovered at this exact location, L'Anse aux Meadows in northern Newfoundland, by Helge and Anne Stine Ingstad. Excavations during the 1960s and 1970s confirmed the site as a Norse base, likely the central settlement mentioned in the sagas, serving as a "gateway" for Norse Greenlanders to the richer lands farther south. Numerous wooden objects were uncovered, and radiocarbon dating confirmed that the settlement existed for a short period around 1000 CE. Additionally, small jasper pieces used as fire starters were found in and around the buildings. Analysis revealed that two structures contained jasper from Iceland, while another had samples from Greenland. One piece was traced to Newfoundland's east coast. These findings align with the sagas’ accounts of Vinland expeditions involving ships from Iceland and explorations along Newfoundland's eastern coast. In 2021, evidence showed that the wood at the site had been cut in 1021 CE using metal tools unavailable to Indigenous peoples.

While L'Anse aux Meadows is widely regarded as the main Norse base, the southernmost extent of their exploration remains speculative. Samuel Eliot Morison (1971) suggested southern Newfoundland; Erik Wahlgren (1986) proposed Miramichi Bay in New Brunswick; and Icelandic climate specialist Pall Bergthorsson (1997) suggested New York City. The mention of wild grapes in all major historical sources implies that the explorers ventured at least as far south as the southern banks of the St. Lawrence River, an area later explored by Jacques Cartier 500 years later, where wild grapes and nut trees were found.

Another important discovery at L'Anse aux Meadows was three butternuts, a species that only grows south of the St. Lawrence River. This supports the idea that Norse explorers traveled farther south. The vinviðir ("wine wood") mentioned in the sagas likely refers to the vines of Vitis riparia, a wild grape species growing on trees. While searching for wood for Greenland, the Norse likely encountered trees covered with Vitis riparia south of L'Anse aux Meadows, naming them vinviðir.

L'Anse aux Meadows was a small, short-lived settlement, likely used for collecting timber and repairing boats rather than a permanent settlement like those in Greenland.


Life in Vinland

The primary resources utilized by people in Vinland included wheat, berries, wine, and fish. However, the "wheat" mentioned in the sagas likely refers to sandwort rather than traditional wheat, and the "grapes" were native North American species. European grapevines (Vitis vinifera) and wheat (Triticum sp.) were unlikely to have existed in the New World before the Vikings' 10th-century arrival. Both sagas mention rivers and lakes teeming with fish, particularly salmon, which were noted to be larger than any salmon previously seen. Before arriving in Vinland, the Norse imported their timber from Norway while in Greenland, occasionally using birch as firewood. Access to North American timber expanded their supply.


Other Potential Norse Finds

A genuine Norwegian silver penny from the late 11th century, with a hole suggesting it was worn as a necklace, was found in Maine. Discovered by an amateur archaeologist in 1957, the find remains controversial, with questions about whether it could be a hoax. Numerous artifacts attributed to the Norse have been found in Canada, particularly on Baffin Island and northern Labrador.

Other alleged Norse artifacts in regions south of the St. Lawrence include runestones. The Kensington Runestone found in Minnesota is widely regarded as a forgery, and the authenticity of the Spirit Pond runestones discovered in Phippsburg, Maine, is also disputed. Other examples include the Heavener Runestone, Shawnee Runestone, and Vérendrye Runestone. The age and origin of these stones are debated, and none have been definitively dated or linked to medieval Norse presence. In general, the use of runic alphabets alone does not guarantee a Viking-age origin, as Dalecarlian runes were reportedly used into the 20th century.

Point Rosee, on Newfoundland’s southwest coast, was speculated to be the site of another possible Norse settlement. The site was identified in 2014 using satellite imagery by Sarah Parcak. However, in a 2017 report to the Provincial Archaeology Office in St. John’s, Newfoundland, Parcak and Gregory Mumford concluded that there was no evidence of Norse activity or any premodern human activity at Point Rosee. None of the team members, including Norse specialists, found signs of human occupation at the site.

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